General characteristics of population mobility in the federal districts of the Russian Federation. Coursework: Social mobility of the population and factors of its formation in Russia Social mobility of the population

The topic of this article is social mobility. This is a very important topic for a sociologist. It is held today at school in the lessons of social studies. After all, knowledge of the society in which we live is necessary for everyone. In our days, when the world is changing very quickly, this is especially true.

Definition

Migration in the broad and narrow senses

Migrations, that is, territorial movements of the population, can also be considered as one of the forms of social mobility. In a broad sense, they are understood as any movements outside the boundaries of a certain territory of its population (usually this territory is a settlement). At the same time, for what purpose and for how long the procedure takes place is immaterial.

However, in popular science and scientific literature much more often a narrow interpretation of the concept of "migration" is used. According to her, this is a movement that is associated with a change in the place of permanent residence.

Seasonal and pendulum migration

In a broad sense, migration includes, in addition to moving to a permanent place of residence, also seasonal and pendulum migration. The second is the regular movement of people between several (two or more) settlements. However, their place of residence does not change. Such migration is connected with work, rest or study. These are mostly daily trips. Sometimes, however, trips made for a longer period (usually within one week) are also considered as pendulum migrations.

Two important reasons for the sociologist to classify migration

Many features exist to classify migration flows. The most important for the sociologist are the following two:

1. Migration occurring between settlements, the rank of which is different. In some cases, migration is vertical social mobility. This is observed when it is associated with a decrease or increase in the status of a person who has a certain place of residence. In others, it is horizontal (in the event that the move occurs between settlements with the same rank). Today, migration as vertical social mobility is a phenomenon associated mainly with the process of urbanization. After all, moving from villages to cities is a necessary element of this process.

2. External and internal migration. This division is considered rather conditional. Migration human mobility is a vast phenomenon that cannot be rigorously classified. In official statistics, internal migration is usually understood as the movement of people to a new place of residence, carried out within the same country. Under the external means moving to a sufficiently long or permanent residence in another country. However, sometimes, depending on the goals pursued by a particular sociological study, migrations between different subjects of the federation are also considered external.

Social mobility in Russia in the 18th and 19th centuries

Throughout the history of the development of our state, the nature of the mobility of its population has changed. These changes can be recorded quite accurately from the beginning of the 18th century. Russia, like any other semi-agrarian and agrarian society, was characterized until the end of the 19th century by rather low rates of vertical mobility. During these years, the basis of the structure of society was made up of estates. The boundaries of class groups, however, were at that time more permeable than in Europe during the time of classical feudalism. The policy of absolutism pursued by the state contributed to this. Although the outflow was hardly noticeable in relation to the total number of the peasantry due to the high proportion of its representatives in the country's population, in relation to the urban estates and the nobility, the rates of mobility were very high. Paying tax rate and redemption, people from peasants fell quite easily into the urban estates, they could advance in the social hierarchy up to the merchants of the first guild. The ranks of the service nobility also replenished very intensively. From all the estates of Russia, its representatives were nominated - from the clergy, merchants, philistines, peasants.

The structural mobility of the society of that time (since the time of Peter I, at least) was insignificant. That is, the layers that make up the structure of society remained unchanged. Until the 1870s, only their quantitative ratio changed slightly.

Mobility in the post-Petrine era

Russia during the next 140 years following the reign of Peter I, experienced not only a very intense vertical mobility. The structural social mobility of the society of that time was also significant and took place in several stages. At first (1870-1917), a class of proletariat and industrial bourgeoisie was gradually formed in Russia. After that, mainly from 1930 to 1970, an intensive process of modernization took place. At this time, a structure was being formed that was already close to the corresponding one in industrial and post-industrial societies. The difference was that there was no class of private entrepreneurs. In addition, the sphere in which market relations operated was significantly limited. Since the 1990s, the third stage of structural mobility has begun in our society. It is associated with the formation of a post-industrial society in Russia, which is based on a market economy.

Change in the prestige of professions, high rates of inter- and intra-generational mobility

It was not only the quantitative ratio of different social strata that changed in the process of the structural shifts described above. The relative prestige of certain professions also did not remain unchanged. For example, in the 1930s-1950s, the most prestigious were technical specialties (skilled worker, engineer), in the 1950s-1970s, science-related professions, and from the mid-1980s, those related to finance and trade. During the entire period, very high rates of intergenerational and intragenerational mobility were observed, as well as a low level of isolation of various professional groups. This was noted not only by domestic sociologists, but also by Western ones.

Territorial migration at different times

During this period, the rates of territorial mobility were also extremely high (both horizontal - to construction sites and newly developed areas, and vertical - from the village to the city). Migration began to decline only from the mid-1970s. However, since the beginning of the 1990s, growth rates have been observed again. Many people migrate to the regions of the Russian Federation from the former Soviet republics.

scientific definition

social mobility - change by an individual or group of the place occupied in the social structure (social position), moving from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum (horizontal mobility). Sharply limited in a caste and estate society, social mobility increases significantly in an industrial society.

Horizontal mobility

Horizontal mobility- the transition of an individual from one social group to another, located on the same level (example: moving from an Orthodox to a Catholic religious group, from one citizenship to another). Distinguish between individual mobility - the movement of one person independently of others, and group mobility - the movement occurs collectively. In addition, geographical mobility is distinguished - moving from one place to another while maintaining the same status (example: international and interregional tourism, moving from city to village and back). As a kind of geographical mobility, the concept of migration is distinguished - moving from one place to another with a change in status (example: a person moved to a city for a permanent place of residence and changed his profession). And it is similar to castes.

Vertical mobility

Vertical mobility - moving a person up or down the corporate ladder.

• Upward mobility- social uplift, upward movement (For example: promotion).
• Downward mobility- social descent, downward movement (For example: demotion).

social lift

social lift- a concept similar to vertical mobility, but more often used in the modern context of discussing the theory of elites as one of the means of rotation of the ruling elite.

Generational mobility

Intergenerational mobility - a comparative change in social status among different generations (example: the son of a worker becomes president).

Intragenerational mobility (social career) - a change in status within one generation (example: a turner becomes an engineer, then a shop manager, then a factory director). Vertical and horizontal mobility are influenced by gender, age, birth rate, death rate, population density. In general, men and young people are more mobile than women and the elderly. Overpopulated countries are more likely to experience the consequences of emigration (relocation from one country to another for economic, political, personal reasons) than immigration (moving to a region for permanent or temporary residence of citizens from another region). Where the birth rate is high, the population is younger and therefore more mobile, and vice versa.

Literature

• - article from the Newest Philosophical Dictionary
• Sorokin R. A. Social and cultural mobility. - N. Y. - L., 1927.
• Glass D.V. Social mobility in Britain. - L., 1967.

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See what "Social mobility" is in other dictionaries:

- (social mobility) Movement from one class (class) or, more often, from a group with a certain status to another class, to another group. Social mobility both between generations and within professional activities individuals is … Political science. Dictionary.

Change by an individual or group of social position, the place occupied in the social structure. S. m. is connected both with the operation of the laws of societies. development, class struggle, causing the growth of some classes and groups and a decrease ... ... Philosophical Encyclopedia

SOCIAL mobility, change by an individual or group of the place occupied in the social structure, movement from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum ... ... Modern Encyclopedia

Change by an individual or group of the place occupied in the social structure, moving from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum (horizontal mobility). ... ... Big Encyclopedic Dictionary

social mobility- SOCIAL MOBILITY, change by an individual or group of the place occupied in the social structure, movement from one social stratum (class, group) to another (vertical mobility) or within the same social stratum ... ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary

The concept by which the social movements of people are indicated in the direction of social positions, characterized by a higher (social ascent) or lower (social degradation) level of income, prestige and degree ... ... The latest philosophical dictionary

See SOCIAL MOBILITY. Antinazi. Encyclopedia of Sociology, 2009 ... Encyclopedia of Sociology

SOCIAL MOBILITY- SOCIAL MOBILITY, a term used (along with the concepts of social displacement and social mobility) in sociology, demography and economics. sciences to denote the transitions of individuals from one class, social group and stratum to another, ... ... Demographic Encyclopedic Dictionary

- (vertical mobility) See: labor overflow (mobility of labor). Business. Dictionary. Moscow: INFRA M, Ves Mir Publishing House. Graham Bets, Barry Brindley, S. Williams et al. Osadchaya I.M.. 1998 ... Glossary of business terms

social mobility- a personal quality acquired in the course of educational activities and expressed in the ability to quickly master new realities in various spheres of life, to find adequate ways to resolve unforeseen problems and fulfill ... ... Official terminology

Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation

SEI VPO "Kuban State Technological University"

Department of Sociology and Human Resources

Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities

COURSE WORK

by discipline General sociology

on the topic Social mobility of the population and factors of its formation in

Completed by a student of the group 09-g-sc1

Serebryakova Maria Gennadievna

Eligible for defense

Head (standard controller) of the project (work) ____________________

Protected __________________ Grade ____________________

Commission members ______________________________________________

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Krasnodar

abstract

Coursework: 31s., 14 sources, 1 app.

SOCIAL MOBILITY, FACTORS FOR FORMATION OF SOCIAL MOBILITY, EDUCATION.

The object of research is social mobility.

The purpose of the work is to identify the main factors in the formation of social mobility.

Research methods: sociological methods of empirical and theoretical research: document analysis, questioning.

In the process of work, primary sources were studied, public opinion was considered, studies of social mobility were analyzed, as a result of which it was revealed that economic factors are the dominant factors of social mobility. And the most significant factor for upward social mobility is education.

The novelty of the course work: previously conducted studies are subject to secondary review and analysis.

Practical significance. The problem of social mobility and the factors of its formation is very relevant in modern society, because. there is a constant movement going on. results this study can serve for short-term and long-term forecasts of changes in the social structure of society.

Introduction………………………………………………………………..
1 The concept, types and factors of social mobility …………….
1.1 Definition of the concept of social mobility, types of social mobility ..…………………………………………….
1.2 Factors of formation of social mobility….……….
2 Study of factors of social mobility………………
2.1 Economic and settlement factors…………………...
2.2 Conditions for success……..…………………………….
Conclusion....……………………………………………………….…. List of sources used ……………………………….. Appendix A “Conditions important and very important in order to achieve a prosperous position in life”…………………….

Introduction

Relevance chosen topic is that social mobility in every developed, modern, democratic society is an integral part of culture.

The size of the city, regional specificity, etc., and how the process of social mobility proceeds in these conditions, is important. It is also necessary to highlight the similarities and differences in different types of territorial settlements.

The uniqueness of the current situation lies in the fact that the processes of social mobility in Russia have certain features that are unique to Russian reality.

Study current trends mobility seems difficult. Firstly, official, state statistics do not have sufficient data on the social dynamics of the population, and secondly, we are talking about social processes in a transforming society. The importance of a sociological study of this problem on the concrete historical material of social reality is determined by the need to fill the lack of social information about the processes of social mobility of the population in the city, which will help determine the vector of their movement.

Degree scientific development of the problem. The problem of social mobility first appeared in 1927 with the publication of the work “Social Mobility” by P.A. Sorokin. Sorokin's work aroused wide interest in scientific circles and served as an impetus for further sociological understanding of the essence of the concept of social mobility, its types and channels. . Thus, P. Sorokin created the basis for scientific study the most important problem in sociology - social mobility, in its various manifestations. M. Weber paid great attention to the study of social structures within the framework of systems approach. He believed that the intensity of movement provides grounds for establishing boundaries between classes. Since the beginning of the 70s, the works of researchers of the second generation have appeared, which include P. M. Blau, I. Blumen, L. Goodman, O. D. Dunken,

D. Treiman et al. They analyze changes in educational and professional intergenerational mobility in order to identify how “open” certain social groups and strata are. Since the 80s, the third generation of social mobility researchers has appeared, the most prominent representatives of which are L. Jones, J. Goldthorpe, R. Erickson, D.L. Fiterman, R.M. Houser. Fiterman, Jones, and Houser test the FJH hypothesis by comparing social mobility across generations. In the post-Soviet period, the problems of social mobility were devoted to the works of E.M. Avraamova, L.A. Belyaeva, S.A. Belanovsky, V.A. Bondarenko and others.

Object of study- social mobility.

Subject of study are the factors that shape social mobility.

Purpose of the study is to identify and consider the factors of social mobility as a necessary criterion for the development of Russian society.

In order to achieve the goal, it is necessary to determine tasks :

- define the concept of social mobility;

- to consider the types of social mobility;

‒ to reveal the factors of formation of social mobility.

Analysis of the collected materials allowed us to formulate general research hypotheses :

1. The predominant factor of social mobility is the economic factor.

2. Educationally motivated social mobility is most intense in the group of people with higher and secondary education.

3. Important factors of social mobility are the prescribed capabilities of the individual.

Theoretical basis work based on the concept of social mobility and stratification by P. Sorokin, the works of M. Weber, Yu. G. Volkov, V. N. Dobrenkov, S. S. Frolov, A. I. Kravchenko, M. F. Chernysh, O. A. Peacock.

Research methods. The following methods were used to solve the set tasks and test the hypothesis put forward: sociological methods of empirical and theoretical research: analysis of documents, questioning;

empirical base research were the results of a sociological survey conducted by the Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2007 in Russia. Based on a representative all-Russian sample in all territorial and economic regions of the country (according to the zoning adopted by Rosstat), 1750 respondents were interviewed, representing the population of Russia by sex, age, type of settlement and region of residence. The survey was conducted in 58 settlements different types from 19 subjects of the Russian Federation. The assessment by the Russians of their position was considered.

Scientific novelty course work lies in the fact that it uses ready-made, previously conducted studies, which are subjected to secondary review and analysis.

Practical significance work is that its results can serve as a basis for further short-term and long-term forecasts of changes social structure society.

1 The concept, types and factors of social mobility

1.1 Definition of the concept of social mobility, types

social mobility

Social mobility, in a broad sense, is any movement of individuals in social space. It is necessary to define and consider what a social space is. As P. Sorokin noted, the position in the social space is fundamentally different from the geometric one: “The position of President Harding in the geometric space changed dramatically when he moved from Washington to Alaska, while here social status remained the same as in Washington. Louis XVI at Versailles and Nicholas II at Tsarskoye Selo remained in the same geometric space, although their social position changed abruptly in one moment. Thus, people who are close to each other in one place can be socially distant from each other, and vice versa. For example, people of the same religion live in different countries, they are separated by geometric space, but socially they are close. So there is no understanding between people, even if they live in the same area. The difference between social and geometric space lies in the correlation of the positions of individuals, their place in society. These parameters are belonging and place in the system of social relations, the proximity of value orientations and the way of perceiving social reality. The social space is vast and multidimensional. It has various communities with various differentiated systems of ideologies and beliefs. Thus, the correlation of the positions of individuals can exist according to several criteria: professional status, level of participation in political activity, according to religious beliefs, nationality, gender, age and some others.

The main definition of social mobility was formulated by P. Sorokin. Social mobility is understood as any transition of an individual or a social object (value), that is, everything that is created or modified by human activity, from one social position to another.

Social mobility includes concepts such as social channels or elevators and social agents. Everything with the help of which an individual moves is called social mobility elevators. These include social institutions. P. Sorokin attributed the family, the church, the army to the elevators, educational institutions, political and religious organizations, etc. Agents are people who contribute in some way to social mobility.

There are two main types of social mobility: horizontal and vertical. Horizontal social mobility, or movement, refers to the transition of an individual or social object from one social group to another, located at the same level. These movements of the individual are difficult to determine not only for the people around him, but also for himself. For example, at first glance, it is difficult to determine the position of an individual in connection with an increase in prestige, an increase or decrease in access to power, a change in income, changes in an individual's beliefs, moving from one religious group to another, changing one job to another, while maintaining one's professional status, from one family to another in divorce or remarriage. As a result, these changes in the position of the individual affect his behavior, the system of relations in the group, change needs, attitudes, and affect interests and orientations. Horizontal mobility also manifests itself in the movement of social objects: transport, radio, fashion, ideology, laws, and so on. In all these and other cases, changes can occur without a significant change in the social position of the individual or social object. The distinction between vertical and horizontal parameters reflects phenomena in the social space: hierarchies, ranks, dominance, authority and obedience, promotion and demotion. All these phenomena and their corresponding relationships are presented in the form of vertical social mobility.

Vertical social mobility refers to those relationships that arise when an individual or a social object moves from one social stratum to another. Depending on the direction of movement, there are two types of vertical mobility: upward and downward, that is, social ascent and social descent. So, vertical mobility is such a change in the position of an individual, in which his status rises or falls. If an auto mechanic becomes a factory manager, this is an indication of upward mobility, but if an auto mechanic becomes a scavenger, such movement will be an indicator of downward mobility. If an auto mechanic gets a job as a mechanic, such movement will indicate horizontal mobility.

According to the nature of stratification, there are downward and upward flows of economic, political and occupational mobility, not to mention other less important types. Updrafts exist in two main forms: penetration an individual from a lower stratum to an existing higher stratum; or the creation by such individuals of a new group and the penetration of the whole groups to a higher layer to the level with existing ones groups of this layer. Accordingly, the downward currents also have two forms: the first consists in the fall of the individual from a higher social position to a lower one, without destroying the original group to which he previously belonged; another form manifests itself in the degradation of the social group as a whole, in the lowering of its rank against the background of other groups, or in the destruction of its social unity. In the first case, the "fall" reminds us of a person who fell from the ship, in the second - the immersion of the ship itself with all the passengers on board, or the crash of the ship when it breaks into pieces.

It should also be noted that everyone wants to “climb” on the social elevator, improve their status, improve their social position, increase access to power, improve the quality and standard of living. Nobody wants to "go down" and fall down. Thus, ascent is a voluntary phenomenon, while descent is forced.

Let's take a closer look at group mobility. It introduces significant changes in the structure of society. Group movements are especially intense during the period of structural changes in the economy. Society is developing, the structure is being rebuilt, new prestigious highly paid professional groups are emerging. This facilitates mass movement and exemplifies vertical upward mobility. The fall of one's social status, the disappearance of certain professions, leads to a downward vertical mobility of a mass character.

So, mass movements can occur due to serious changes in the socio-economic structure of society, which leads to the emergence of new social strata, new classes; also because of the change in ideology and political priorities, at the same time, those political forces that were able to adapt to new conditions rise up; and, finally, due to the failure of the mechanism that ensures the stratification of the structure of society.

Individual social mobility and its problem is one of the most attractive for sociologists. Individual social mobility is a change in which one particular individual moves, changing his position. Individual mobility is characteristic of a steadily developing society. In case of success, the individual will change not only his position in the vertical hierarchy, but also the socio-professional group. The problem of individual social mobility includes the study of the intensity of movements, their direction, the ability of children to achieve a more prestigious status than their parents, the study of individual abilities, skills, opportunities and other factors that help the individual to rise up.

P. Sorokin believes that there are no completely esoteric societies, that is, in which no movements occur. However, history does not speak of societies with absolute, unlimited mobility. All societies are stratified. There are "filters" that allow some individuals to rise to the new upper layer, while others remain at the bottom. The role of these "filters" is performed by social institutions that regulate vertical movements. However, going up only with the help of some social institution does not always lead to the expected result. In order to gain a foothold in the new stratum, it is necessary to organically fit into the new environment adapt to a new life, behave according to new rules and norms. Sometimes this process is painful for the individual, as it is difficult to say goodbye to old habits and revise your value system.

A similar situation occurs when moving down. Being unable to navigate to an environment alien to him, the individual experiences serious psychological difficulties.

It is necessary to distinguish between the intensity and generality of vertical mobility. Under intensity refers to the vertical social distance or the number of economic, professional or political layers that an individual passes through in his upward or downward movement in a certain period of time. If, for example, a certain individual rises in a year from the position of a person with an annual income of $500 to a position with an income of $50,000, and another in the same period from the same starting position rises to the level of $1,000, then in the first case the intensity of the economic recovery will be 50 times greater than in the second. For a corresponding change, the intensity of vertical mobility can also be measured in the field of political and professional stratification.

Under universality vertical mobility refers to the number of individuals who have changed their social position in the vertical direction over a certain period of time. The absolute number of such individuals gives absolute universality vertical mobility in the structure of a given population of the country; the proportion of such individuals to the entire population gives relative universality vertical mobility.

The intensity of social mobility is the speed with which an individual rises on the social elevator. The more steps he passed in a certain time, the more he raised his status, the greater the speed, the intensity of movement. And universality is the number of individuals making movements in social space in a specific period of time.

If we connect these two phenomena, we get the aggregate indicator of the vertical social mobility of any society. And considering the indicators of different societies, you can see in which of the bottom social mobility is higher. Those. indicators can be compared.

Along with horizontal and vertical mobility, there are such forms as intergenerational and intragenerational.

Intergenerational mobility (intergenerational mobility) consists in comparing the social status of parents and their children at a certain point in their career. For example, comparing the level of education at a particular age of parents and their children, or the rank of their professions at approximately the same age. Research shows that a significant portion, perhaps even the majority, of the Russian population moves at least slightly up or down the class hierarchy in every generation.

Intragenerational mobility (intragenerational mobility) is expressed in the comparison of the social status of an individual over a long period of time. Research results show that many Russians have changed occupations during their lives. However, the mobility of the majority was limited. Short distance travel is the rule, long distance travel is the exception.

Summarizing the above, social mobility can be represented schematically:

Figure 1 - Social mobility

1.2 Factors in the formation of social mobility

Reasons for allowing individuals to move are called factors of social mobility. These include:

the level of education received;

the social status of the family;

The system of social organization;

nationality;

physical and mental abilities;

receiving education;

· place of residence;

the birth rate of the area;

favorable marriage.

Let's study the factors in more detail. As the dominant factor of social mobility, the socio-economic factor stands out, which becomes the base one in Russia with the strengthening of the role of property and entrepreneurship. Wealth has become the generally accepted criterion of success, a state of security and the possibility of promotion to higher strata.

Social mobility of the population is an important aspect of socio-economic life in any society. Mobility is determined by the need for individuals to adapt to changing socio-economic conditions, and society, as a systemic factor, must create favorable conditions for the successful implementation of this motive. Considering that everything in social life society is determined by the aspirations and actions of a person, the main aspect for moving is a personal determinant. But, it does not always manifest itself, due to the personal nature of the individual, or it is suppressed by social and economic factors. At the same time to social factors include: demographic and migration processes, settlement and sectoral structure of society, the situation in the education system. The economic factor includes the state of the labor market, socio-economic situation. The economic factor causes forced social mobility, limiting individual mobility. individuals are forced to meet socio-economic requirements for a given period of time. Forced mobility can be not only negative. In the event that the result of the individual's movements corresponds to his ideas of happiness and brings satisfaction, then mobility acquires a positive character. It should be noted that the development trend modern society contributes to the transition from forced mobility to free forms, i.e. to increase the priority of individual social mobility. This happens by increasing the level of labor productivity, the highest scientific, technical and information equipment of the entire production and socio-cultural life.

For economic factor the role of education is great, which acts as a separate, no less important factor in displacement. First, education is necessary in the context of the transition of competition from the field of financial, industrial and military-technical resources to the information sphere. Secondly, on the one hand, it will help to learn more positive experience in the process of socialization, and on the other hand, it will allow the formation of new corporate values ​​for emerging social strata.

The development of advanced technologies in our society contributes to the emergence of new professions that require high training and qualifications, and which, for the most part, are highly paid and prestigious. It combines the voluntary mobility of individuals who strive to achieve more, and forced, due to the need for advanced training and retraining.

M. Weber as a criterion for claims to "... positive or negative privileges in relation to social prestige" indicated, firstly, the way of life, secondly, "formal education, which consists in practical or theoretical training and the assimilation of the corresponding way of life", and in thirdly, the prestige of birth or profession.

From this we can conclude that the education received, and the developed lifestyle, as well as the professional status and income from it, will allow the individual to occupy the highest strata.

Thus, in Russian society, the entire space of social stratification is determined by practically one indicator, namely, material (wealth), with a sharp decrease in the significance of other differentiation criteria, which cease to play a balancing role.

The social factors of social mobility include the prescribed capabilities of individuals (the historical type of stratification, the social status of the family to which the individual belongs, the type of society). The accessibility of ways of social mobility for an individual depends on his starting opportunities, which are provided to him by his family, and on the structure of the community in which he lives.

Caste and estate societies restrict social mobility by imposing severe restrictions on any change in status. Such societies are called closed. If in society the majority of statuses are prescribed, then the scope of movement narrows. AT open societies individual social success and achieved status are valued. In these societies, the opportunities for social mobility are great.

AT class society people do not believe in the possibility of changing their status without having wealth, pedigree or the patronage of the monarch. The same thing happens in a closed society. For example, in the USSR, people in factories, factories, working on time, received a salary regardless of how much they produce, more or less, better or worse - the remuneration is the same. No incentive, no self-confidence. And vice versa, sociologists observe a pattern: the more opportunities to move up, the more people believe in the availability of vertical mobility channels for them, and the more they believe in it, the more they try to reach heights, move forward, that is, the higher the level of social mobility in society.

So, how does the family influence social mobility. There are different ways from profitable marriages to financial assistance, allowing you to advance to higher strata.

The family becomes a channel of upward mobility when people of different social status marry. Thus, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, in Russia, a fairly common phenomenon was impoverished, but titled brides with representatives of a rich, but humble merchant class. As a result of such a marriage, both partners moved up the social ladder, getting what each of them wanted. But such a marriage can be useful only if the individual from a lower stratum is prepared to quickly assimilate new patterns of behavior and lifestyle for him. If he cannot quickly assimilate new cultural standards, then such a marriage will not give anything, since representatives of the highest status stratum will not consider the individual.

So, there are many factors in the formation of social mobility and they are different. The most important factor is the economic and social position of the family.

2 Study of factors of social mobility

2.1 Economic and settlement factors

In the last 15 years, Russian society has undergone massive changes. The formation of market institutions in our country not only created new opportunities, but also made us talk about competition in all spheres of life. This competitive struggle was quite often successfully won by people from “ordinary” families, who eventually achieved fairly high positions in modern Russian society. But is this the rule, or should these cases be treated as exceptions? How easy is it to break away from your “roots” and rise to a high position in society? Can the high status of parents certainly ensure the well-being of their children? And to what extent is the position of man in modern Russia determined by his personal qualities and ambitions? Research will help answer these questions.

The study of material on the topic of social mobility and the factors of its formation shows that high statuses and people occupying them are better rewarded, have more power, higher prestige of their occupation, and the level of education should be higher. So it turns out the four main dimensions of stratification - income, power, education, prestige.

Consider the most prestigious professions in Russia. Social prestige is the significance, attractiveness attributed in the public mind to various aspects of people's activities. According to the All-Russian Center for the Study public opinion(VTsIOM) rating of the most prestigious and profitable professions in Russia can be concluded.

According to the survey, Russians confidently answer that being a lawyer is prestigious (20%). In second place in terms of prestige is a doctor and an economist, they were singled out by 12% of respondents. Next in this rating is such a profession as a banker (7%). It is followed by a programmer, a civil servant (6%), it also seems attractive for Russians to do business, which is also preferred by 6%. Teacher, artist, designer - 4%. The lowest position is occupied by the professions accountant, oilman (3%). The least prestigious, from the point of view of the respondents, is to be a research worker.

.

Figure 1 - The most prestigious professions

Figure 1 shows that a lawyer ranks first, then an entrepreneur, so 13% of Russians believe that it is most profitable to be an entrepreneur, and 11% - a banker. This is followed by the professions of an economist and a civil servant (8% each), and a doctor (7%). 4% of respondents are sure that the highest incomes are among oil workers, 3% each - among owners of creative professions, 2% each - among accountants. The least profitable, from the point of view of the respondents, is to be a teacher and a research worker (1% each).

Figure 2 - The most profitable professions

Comparing Figure 1 and Figure 2, one can see that, according to Russians, the most profitable and prestigious professions, such as a lawyer, economist, banker, require education, which confirms the high role of education in raising one's status.

AT marketing research"Applicant - 2009", which was held in July - September 2009, was attended mainly by graduates of schools in Kemerovo and the Kemerovo region. At the same time, the survey showed that the goals of higher education for applicants are obtaining the status of a qualified specialist and obtaining a profession. What is upward social mobility, with the help of such social elevator like education.

This conclusion is made on the basis of the data in Figure 3, a study of the goals of education. It shows that the most important goal of obtaining education is to obtain the status of a qualified specialist, this goal is singled out by 41% of applicants. In second place is the desire to get a prestigious profession - 28%. 17% of respondents name the prospect of employment. This is followed by the desire to increase the level of knowledge, this goal is chosen by 13%. And the other takes only 1%.

Figure - Purpose of higher education

So, obtaining the status of a qualified specialist and obtaining a prestigious profession allows you to expand the possibilities of movement in the social space.

Additional professional education acts as

channel of professional mobility, workers move in areas of the economy.

In such a transfer, individuals maintain their favorable position or even improve it by changing position or raising their status by acquiring a more prestigious profession.

The type of mobility that transforms the professional position concerns professional groups with a lower level of qualification and predominant employment in privately owned enterprises.

The role of additional education in the formation of the socio-professional structure is being updated due to the tasks of changing the model of the country's economic growth, stimulating innovation vector and post-industrial trends in its development. In fact, this is an important element of the mechanism for activating the country's intellectual potential, the disclosure of which has not received really serious attention so far. Ideally, it seems to be the most transparent and accessible in the sense of institutionalization mechanism for the redistribution of the working population in industries and sectors of the economy and, accordingly, the socio-professional structure through the regular acquisition of a set of new knowledge and skills.

Russians who have received higher education, much more often than others, achieved a higher position in society compared to their parents. Conversely, the lower the level of education, the higher the indicators of downward mobility.

When studying social mobility, it is worth keeping in mind the start opportunities, i.e. position of parents in society. Compared to their parents, those who had a higher level of education and had a set of skills that are more in demand in the labor market achieved a higher social position. They knew how to use a computer, knew foreign languages, received additional education without interrupting their work, had the right to drive a car.

Upward mobility and generational mobility are closely intertwined; According to Figure 3, it can be seen that those whose parents had the highest level of education will occupy higher strata compared to their parents. Those. the main trend is the relationship between the education of parents and children, the higher the education of parents, the higher the social status of their children.

So, speaking about social mobility, the population considered the person's own efforts to be the main thing, but noted that the position and education of parents also greatly affect the life chances of children.

Figure 4 - The position of Russians compared to their own parents, depending on the level of education, in %

Next, we will move on to consider another type of factors. Judging by the results of the study, settler factor. Success was achieved, to a greater extent by residents of megacities - Moscow, St. Petersburg. In these cities, there are more educational opportunities, and good position not only to its residents, but also to those who came from other cities. Moreover, if at the place of residence the gap in vertical mobility between residents of villages and capitals was 10% (32 and 42%, respectively), then in terms of upward mobility, depending on the conditions of primary socialization, it reached 13% (28 and 41%, respectively).

Figure 3 Russians from different types of settlements assess the position of their generation compared to the generations of parents and children, in %

2.2 Conditions for success

According to the data obtained (Table 1), it can be seen that the most important thing for the well-being of Russians is to have the necessary contacts, the so-called “connections”. But the role of one's own education is also great, especially for those people who occupy a higher position than their parents. An important condition for moving up is the perseverance and diligence of individuals. The prescribed status and position of the family as a factor of mobility was identified by 74% of the total population. Parental education contributes to social mobility by 66%. Place of residence, gender and nationality were chosen as a factor by no more than 25% of the population.

Table 1 Conditions that are important and very important in order to achieve a prosperous position in life, in %

	% of those who assessed their position as higher than that of their parents	General population	% of those who assessed their position as lower than that of their parents
Have the right contacts
work hard
Come from a wealthy family
Have educated parents
Have political connections
The place where the person comes from
Nationality

Factors of upward social mobility, i.e. Russians consider education, hard work, acquaintances and connections to be the conditions for raising their status and achieving success. At the same time, abilities are both the ability to survive in changing socio-economic conditions, in market conditions and increasing competition, and the presence of certain professional skills, for example, the ability to use computer programs, knowledge of foreign languages, etc.

Basically, the success of achievements depends on the individuals themselves, on their efforts and work, but the role of the influence of urban culture and the status positions of parents is also great.

Conclusion

Social mobility is movement in social space. They can have different directions, both upwards and downwards, or they can be neutral, that is, without changing the social position of individuals. Social mobility is determined by personal desires and aspirations, and it is also influenced by socio-economic conditions, which mainly leads to forced mobility. The accessibility of transportation routes depends both on the individual and on the social structure of the society in which he is located.

The orientation and social behavior of a person is influenced by political changes in the country, a change in the way of forced labor; transformation of the value orientations of society, a decrease in the social mobility of people; a sharp decrease in demand in the labor market, a general decline in living standards.

From the analysis of the primary material and the studies carried out, a trend is visible - individuals strive upward, try to improve their social position, get into the highest stratum, increasing their professional status, accumulating wealth. Nobody wants to "go down". For upward upward mobility, education is the most important factor, and the education and social position of parents are also significant. The factors also include the prestige of the profession and the remuneration received for it. The conditions for success in Russia include the right contacts, additional professional skills and hard work.

Thus, when studying the issues of social mobility, it is worth considering as starting conditions, i.e. the position of parents, as well as individual personal characteristics of behavior and thinking.

The significance of the analysis carried out is important, because social mobility is useful, necessary and an integral part of the culture in society.

List of sources used

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5 Kravchenko A. I. Sociology: General course: Tutorial for universities. – M.: PERSE; Logos, 2007. - 640 p.: ill.

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10 Shevyakov, A. "Pain points in Russia": excessive inequality and depopulation / A. Shevyakov / / Society and Economics. - 2008. - p. 86 - 102. [Electronic resource]. Access mode http://www.demoscope.ru/weekly/2007/0273/analit06.php - Head. from the screen.

11 Russian Federation Human Development Report 2008. United Nations Program in the Russian Federation. - M.: Publishing house INON RAN, 2009. - 208p.

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13 Social inequality in the sociological dimension. 2006
Prepared in cooperation with the Gorbachev Foundation and the National Investment Council. Institute of Sociology RAS [Electronic resource] Access mode: http://www.isras.ru/analytical_report_Social_inequality_9.html – Head. from the screen.

14 Sociology: history, fundamentals, institutionalization in Russia. - M .: Moscow Psychological - social institution; Voronezh: Publishing house NPO "MODEK", 2005. - 464 p.

Annex A

Conditions that are important and very important in order to achieve a prosperous position in life, in%

Terms	% of those who assessed their position as higher than that of their parents	General population	% of those who assessed their position as lower than that of their parents
Have the right contacts
Have a good education yourself
work hard
Come from a wealthy family
Have educated parents
Promiscuity in means, impudence
Have political connections
The place where the person comes from
Nationality

Migration mobility in Russia: assessments and problems of analysis

Nevertheless, the available data make it possible to establish fundamental differences between countries in terms of the intensity of internal migration for the population of working ages, as well as the degree of involvement of the population in commuting. Thus, in 2005, among countries with a large territory, the highest intensity of interregional migration was in the United States - 26 per 1,000 people. population. In Australia, this figure was 17 per 1000, and in Canada - 9. For comparison, we note that in Russia the intensity of internal interregional migration was 5.7 per 1000 people. As for other countries with a smaller territory, a high level of interregional migration was observed in the UK (between 19 regions and metropolitan areas) and Japan (between prefectures), Sweden (between 21 regions) - almost 20 movements per 1000 people. population. 13-14 people participate in migrations between the lands of Germany. out of a thousand. The intensity of interregional migration in 2005 was comparable to that of Russia in Spain (7.8), the Czech Republic (7.3), Sweden (7.1), and Italy (5.6). In Poland, Greece and Slovakia, the intensity of interregional movements was lower than in Russia. According to S.V. Ryazantsev (2004), the migration activity of the Russian population is 5 times lower than in the United States, but the author does not disclose the methods of calculation. The lag of the population of Russia in terms of mobility from the population of the United States is also shown by the calculations of Bornhorst and Commander (2004), but the Russian level is still higher than the level of Hungary, Romania and France.

Comparisons of migration mobility with other countries have been made before. Thus, in 1980, 31.2% of the US population of those born in the country did not live in the state where they were born. In the USSR at that time, according to Zh.A. Zayonchkovskaya, comparable data were approximately 23-25% of the country's population.

RUSSIAN SPECIFICITY OF SPATIAL MOBILITY

There is no unequivocal answer to the question to what extent migration mobility in Russia during the Soviet period was supported or restrained by the state. On the one hand, there have been ongoing state-organized campaigns to resettle many thousands and even millions of people in areas of rapid industrial development, mainly in the east of the country. On the other hand, the state restrained migration, including through the system of passportization and accompanying registration.

The process of organized resettlement in areas of rapid industrial development did not always go smoothly, and even during the period of the unconditional domination of the planned economy, the population mostly made amateur resettlements. According to A.V. Topilin, state-organized migration reached its maximum in the late 1940s. and accounted for 40% of all resettlements. According to estimates for the late 1970s - early 1980s, the share of managed (controlled by the State Committee for Labor) migration in Russia was 15%.

During the years of repressions of the late 1920s - early 1950s. mass deportations and deportations of hundreds of thousands of people to the regions of the North and Siberia were carried out. Many large cities in the Russian Arctic were created at the expense of the actually free, exhausting labor of prisoners. The repressed after serving the term of imprisonment remained in settlements in the northern cities and often did not have the right to leave from there.

For a long time, the state stimulated migration to the regions of the Far North and areas equated to them, setting allowances (coefficients) for wages and providing many benefits to the population working there (preferential retirement experience, the possibility of extraordinary acquisition of durable items, booking housing in the regions of departure, free travel to places of rest, better food supply, etc.). According to J.A. Zaionchkovskaya, gradually these measures led to the fact that in the Russian North and in general in regions with severe natural and climatic conditions, an excess population was formed, its population significantly exceeded the population of regions similar in natural and climatic terms in other northern countries (for example, Canada), where there are no such large cities as in the north of Russia. Estimates of overpopulation in the Russian North, made in the early 1990s, ranged from 20% to 40%. According to A.I. Treyvisha, Russia is more evenly populated than others major countries(China, USA, Canada). The average Russian, even in the European part of the country, lives in harsher climatic conditions than average resident Sweden, where the average annual temperature is the same as in European Russia. In the northern regions of Russia, the plowing of the territory is higher. An analysis of per capita temperature values ​​shows that during the Soviet decades, Russia became "economically colder", while in the countries with market economies, production moved to warmer areas. The average Russian today lives at an average temperature that is 1°C lower than in 1913.

A specific feature of the structure of the Russian territory is the distorted structure of cities. In Tsarist Russia, and especially during the Soviet period, many permanent settlements in Siberia and the Far East were created where they would never have appeared under conditions market economy. In Russia, the Zipf rule has been violated, and there is a shortage of “second row” cities.

Since the 1990s there is a degradation of the social infrastructure, the transport network, especially pronounced in the east of the country, the population of the eastern regions of the country is rapidly decreasing, primarily as a result of migration to the west. Some studies have demonstrated the high potential for migration mobility of the population of the Russian North: for example, a survey of people living in four northern regions in 1998 showed that the scale of potential migration is very large, more than 50% of the population were ready to move, and these intentions are gradually being realized.

As for the containment of migration through the system of passportization and propiska, this process is described in detail in the works of historians and demographers of the early 1990s. . In the works of domestic researchers of migration in an earlier period, this problem, due to objective reasons was practically not studied, only administrative restrictions on the outflow of the population from countryside and limiting the growth of major cities.

However, these measures have met with limited success. Thus, unsuccessful attempts to restrain the growth of the population of Moscow were made from the end of the 1920s. . The authorities sought to limit the construction in Moscow of large industrial enterprises, attempts were made to create satellite cities (for example, Zelenograd). In 1959, the General Plan of Moscow planned to limit its population to 5 million people, but it was not possible to restrain the growth of the city's population even in the era of the triumph of the planned economy and a rigid administrative-command system.

Despite numerous declarations, the city authorities still cannot cope with migration to Moscow today. Moscow and the Moscow region in 2001-2005 accumulated 85% of net migration to the Central District, in 2007 - 73%. And that's just statistical data. To them it is worth adding temporary and pendulum migration. In 1985, the number of commuting migrants was estimated at 1 million people. . Estimates of the number of commuters in the early 2000s reach 3 million people. , but this figure is somewhat overestimated.

There were also measures of economic deterrence of migration. So, in the countryside of the Russian Non-Chernozem region in the 1980s. permanent workers of state farms and other state enterprises salary bonuses were established for continuous work experience.

DYNAMICS OF MOBILITY

in Russia during the twentieth century. migration mobility of the population grew: from 1926 to 1979 it more than doubled, reflecting the high rates of urbanization, the increasing level of education of the population. The proportion of the population who lived in places of permanent residence for less than two years, which was 3.5% in 1926, 5.8% in 1970, reached 7.7% by 1979. A very large scale of migration was recorded in certain years of the country's massive industrialization: for example, since 1935, the number of arrivals in the cities amounted to 13.7 million people, and these figures were slightly lower in the years preceding this.

In subsequent decades, the migration activity of the population began to decline at a rather rapid pace. (Fig. 1). However, at the same time, serious changes took place in the system of statistical registration of migrants, both international and internal, which complicates the analysis of data over a long period of time and makes them hardly comparable. In particular, the system of accounting for educational migration has collapsed. Modern migration statistics are already significantly different even from data collection systems in other countries of the former USSR.

Figure 1. Number of arrivals (total migration), Russia, thousand people

Sources: Population of Russia for 100 years (1897-1997): Stat. Sat. / Goskomstat of Russia. - M., 1998; Number and migration of the population of Russia, 1998-2008.

Thus, the level of spatial mobility of the Russian population in the post-Soviet period has decreased by about half - to the level that took place in Russia before the First World War.

A decrease in spatial mobility was also recorded by the last Russian census conducted in 2002. The proportion of people who have never moved - local natives, by 2002 has grown significantly - up to 55.8% against 49.3% in 1989 and 46.1% in 1979 (Fig. 2). Now people who live permanently in their places of birth noticeably predominate in the population of the country, and this trend can be traced in both urban and urban areas. rural population, but in the urban population it is expressed especially clearly.

Figure 2. Population living in the place of residence from birth and not from birth, %

* - Those who did not indicate the time of residence (in 2002 - 1.4%) are proportionally distributed.
Source: Population of Russia - 2005. 13th annual demographic report / Ed. ed. A.G. Vishnevsky; GU-Higher School economy. - M.: Publishing House SU-HSE, 2007. S. 213. Zh.A. Zayonchkovskaya.

It is known that the 2002 population census corrected the estimates of the scale of international migration to Russia for 1990-2002, adding 1.8 million additional international migrants. However, according to its results, it is necessary to make some adjustments to the scale of internal migration. After all, the population of almost 70 regions did not reach the estimated figures, while the population of Moscow, the Moscow Region, and a number of regions in the south of the country significantly exceeded the estimate according to the current accounting data. Recall that in the inter-census period there was a widespread underestimation of arrivals through external migration, therefore, the scale of internal redistribution of the population should have been even more significant. The census made it possible to take into account some of the “quasi-temporal” (in the words of V.M. Moiseenko) migrants.

In 2004, the Center for Human Demography and Ecology, Institute of Economic Research, Russian Academy of Sciences, commissioned by Rosstat, estimated the number of arrivals and departures in Russia and separately for each region in 1990-2002. The adjustment for arrivals for external migration is easily calculated based on the corrected data on migration growth in 1990-2002, all other underreported arrivals are internal migration.

If we compare these estimates with the data of the current population (Fig. 3), it becomes clear that underestimation of internal migration has been taking place all these years, but since approximately 1995 its scale in relation to the recorded scale of migration has become more significant. Our estimates show that by 2002, underreported internal migration was approximately 30%. The outflow of the population from the regions of Eastern Siberia and the Far East to the European part of Russia, which was underestimated by statistics, could approximately reach 1 million people.

Figure 3. Number of internal migration arrivals, thousand people

Source: Estimates by the Central Children's Department of Economics, Institute of Economics, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2004; Number and migration of the population of Russia, 2003-2005.

If these estimates are taken into account, the decline in internal migration in the 1990s was somewhat smoother: they decreased not by 50%, but by 40% - from 4.9 million in 1990 to 2.9 million in 2002. However, these calculations, based on registered migration trends, also show a continuing until that time, the decline in the scale of internal migration.

The results of the population census reveal the scale of unrecorded youth migration, which is attracted by regional centers. According to our calculations, during the intercensal period (1989-2002), the population of a number of regional centers aged 15-24 increased by 20-25% due to migration from other cities and districts of these regions; accordingly, the same number of young people are missing villages, small and medium-sized cities. Official statistics generally do not take this migration into account or take it into account with a large time lag.

CHANGE FORMS OF MIGRATION AND THE ROLE OF UNDERCOUNTING

Many researchers acknowledge that in the late 1990s. migration associated with a change of permanent place of residence is being replaced by temporary forms of spatial mobility. This is evidenced by the widespread internal labor migration in post-perestroika times. In terms of scale, it resembles the “otkhodnichestvo” common in Russia at the end of the 19th - the first third of the 20th century. Its scale reached 5-6 million people. in year .

According to estimates based on household surveys in 7 Russian cities conducted in 2002, the size of temporary labor migration in Russia is approximately 3 million people, which is comparable to labor immigration to Russia from the CIS countries. These data are lower than the estimates of the Economic and Health Monitoring (RLMS), according to the data of the survey round at the end of 2005, the proportion of households with labor migrants was 8%, which is, respectively, about 4.2 million households. However, they are higher than according to the National Survey of Household Welfare and Participation in Social Programs (NOBUS), according to which the share of working abroad is about 1.3% of households. There are studies in which the number of labor and commercial migrants is estimated at 4.5-5.8 million people. . The attempts made by a group of experts in 2006 to draw the attention of the leadership of Rosstat to the problem of assessing the scale of temporary labor migration by expanding the questionnaire of regularly conducted surveys of the population on employment problems and, at the same time, obtaining representative microdata data for Russia and its regions did not yield any results.

The fact that temporary labor migration associated with a weekly rhythm (people work in neighboring regions, returning home only for weekends) is especially common in the regions of Central Russia, experts from the World Bank wrote back in 2001. The underestimation of temporal migration seriously impoverishes the analysis of the scale of spatial mobility. For example, in China, the value of the "current population" (floating population) reaches 80 million people. compared to 20 million people. "registered migrants"".

According to a recent Russian population survey, the prevalence of out-of-country work (excluding commuting and shift work) is 4.4%: as many respondents indicated that they or their family members have traveled to other countries in the past two years to earn money. settlements, including 1.7% of respondents indicated that such trips are made constantly. For at least 2/3 of the respondents, working abroad is their main and/or only occupation.

According to research in Lipetsk, in the early 1990s. only 3.7% of the respondents went to work. In the year the survey was conducted, 5.2% of the respondents were going to go to work, and only 1.1% of the respondents said that they would definitely go to work in other regions.

The problem of assessing the real scale of temporary labor migration, and, consequently, the general migration mobility in Russia, has a number of reasons.

First, Rosstat develops and publishes data only on migrants registered at the place of residence, and more recently, on migrants registered at the place of stay for a period of 1 year or more. If a person lives temporarily in another city or region or registers for a shorter period, these relocations are not included in the statistics. A person can renew temporary registration, for example for a period of six months, countless times, while living outside the place of registration at the place of residence for several years in a row, and these actual relocations will not be reflected in the statistics.

Secondly, if a person arrived at the place of temporary residence (stay) in a dwelling that is not his place of residence for a period of less than 90 days, he is not required to register at the place of stay at all. Many labor migrants come to work for a much shorter period than 90 days (meaning not the term of the contract, which can be arbitrarily long). At the same time, leaving, for example, once a month to a place of permanent residence, which may be located in another subject of the Russian Federation, they are not required to register in the city where they work. There are usually no problems with employers in this case. Our in-depth interviews in recent studies show that few employers ask their workers to register. Not a lack of registration and big problem in relations with the police. It is enough for a person with a Slavic appearance to show a ticket with the date of arrival.

The scale of unregistered internal migration, both temporary and long-term or permanent, can be quite large. For example, in Astana (Kazakhstan) in July 2000, “in order to ensure the implementation of legal and individuals"Rules for Documentation and Registration of the Population of the Republic of Kazakhstan", an action "I am a resident of the capital" was held, during which 153.5 thousand people were registered. (this is almost a third of the city's population) living in the capital from February 25, 1999 to August 31, 2000 without registration with the internal affairs bodies. For the most part, these were not illegal immigrants from other countries, but people from other regions and cities of the country. Of course, the case with the new capital of Kazakhstan is not typical, the city is being built and developed at an accelerated pace, for the Russian capital this stage has long been passed. But this example shows what latent migration can be in relation to the "visible" flow, which amounted to several thousand per year. But the scale of migration to Moscow is also impressive: according to the Federal Migration Service for Moscow, in 2007 in the capital the number of those registered at the place of residence (that is, permanently registered in other regions of the country) amounted to 1,227 thousand; migration registration of foreign citizens 1712 thous.

Temporary migrants - Russian citizens and foreigners - clearly gravitate towards large cities. This is shown by our research in the Russian regions: Orenburg and Nizhny Novgorod regions in 2002, in the Irkutsk and Kaliningrad regions in 2007, in the Krasnoyarsk Territory in 2008. These migration flows are not included in the statistics regularly published by Rosstat, but they can be found in the FMS.

Thirdly, internal labor migration has many types and forms, and it is very difficult to draw a clear line between them.

As the previously cited data from a survey of migration mobility of the population of large cities at the end of 2005 show, among the respondents who themselves or members of their families had work abroad in the last two years, a little more than a quarter went to work in other settlements within “their own” subject of the Federation, 57.2% went to other regions. At the same time, many people went to Moscow or the Moscow region. Outside of Russia, 16.3% of migrants had temporary work, most of them in the countries of the traditional abroad.

The main areas of employment abroad: trade and intermediary activities - 22%, construction - 36%, employment in industry - 11%. as workers Agriculture, security guards, drivers in public transport and nannies worked for 1-4% of respondents.

Work on the road in 40% of cases took less than a month, only 11% of respondents worked more than a year. Most often, short-term employment abroad was indicated by those employed in trade and intermediary activities; among those employed in construction or industry, there is a significant proportion of those who have worked for quite a long time.

Temporary labor migration contributes to the formation of migration intentions, i.e. in the long term leads to migration, already associated with a change in permanent place of residence. Respondents who had a job abroad are more likely to move to another locality in the future: such intentions were expressed by 41% of those who travel constantly, 22% of those who travel occasionally, and only 11% of those who do not travel to work. To this end, 7.1% of those permanently working abroad took concrete steps against 1.3% of those who do not go to work; were going to move, but did not take concrete steps for this - 12.5% ​​versus 2.9%; sometimes thought - 21.4% versus 5.7%.

Previous migration activity influences potential migration activity and the formation of migration intentions in the future. As the data of the survey “Migration mobility of the population of Russia” showed, respondents who changed their place of permanent residence in the past also have higher migration attitudes for the future, and those who moved 3-4 times have the highest migration intentions (Fig. 4) .

Figure 4. Percentage of those with migration intentions, depending on previous migration experience

Source: data from the survey “Migration mobility of the population of Russia.

Work away - good way prepare your move (people often move to where they previously came for a while). Thus, according to a survey conducted by the Center for Migration Research in 2004, among the reasons that prompted respondents to choose this particular settlement for residence, 15% indicated that they themselves or relatives previously worked here. In rank, this reason is second only to moving in with relatives. A potential migrant has the opportunity to prepare his move: to integrate into the labor market, find suitable housing for the family, etc.

The influence of previous migration experience on potential migration activity is also confirmed by the data of other researchers.

We believe that migration for permanent residence and temporary migration are closely related. Since the late 1990s the decrease in the scale of migration for permanent residence is accompanied by an increase in temporary, unrecorded migration statistics. Despite the "remnants" of the past, registration (now registration for permanent residence) is already becoming optional for many Russians. It is not necessary to have permanent housing in the city where you work - an apartment or a place in a hostel. For those living in rented housing, registration for permanent residence is not possible, no matter how long a person settles.

At the same time, both migration for permanent residence and temporary forms of mobility have very similar directions. First of all, migration for permanent residence gradually “grows” out of temporary migration, and this is confirmed by our research. Especially in post-Soviet Russia, when there is practically no state-organized migration. Migration for permanent residence is actually the end of a long period during which a person lived in a particular locality temporarily.

PROBLEMS AND LIMITS OF MOBILITY MANAGEMENT

The low migration mobility of the population exacerbates the demographic situation in Russia, does not contribute to the interests of a market economy, hinders a more complete use of the labor force, and ultimately perpetuates poverty. Economists argue that Russian unemployment is largely structural in nature: labor shortages in some regions and industries are combined with labor surpluses in others. The low migration activity of the population, as well as the “mobility barriers” existing in the country, impede the solution of this problem. According to studies, the rate of regional structural unemployment in the last decade has doubled: from 22% in 1992 to 40% in the 2000s. .

In modern Russia, unlike the USSR with its administrative-planned economy, there is practically no policy in the field of internal migration. The fundamental document, the Concept for the Regulation of Migration Processes in the Russian Federation, contains a sufficient number of provisions that determine the state's vision of the problems of managing internal migration:

in the field of optimization of internal migration processes and assistance efficient use labor resources:

• solving the problems of employment of the population and achieving a balance between the use of domestic labor resources and the attraction of foreign workers;
• ensuring proportional development of the housing market and the labor market to stimulate labor migration;
• development of mechanisms to stimulate the territorial redistribution of the economically active population to ensure a balance in regional labor markets;
• identification of promising or not recommended territories and settlements for resettlement of migrants;
• development of measures to create new and maintain existing jobs, as well as the basic conditions for the livelihood of the population in areas with a high outflow of the population and a critical state of the labor market;
• state support for migrants from unpromising settlements;
• development of interbudgetary relations, formation of the federal budget, budgets of the subjects of the Russian Federation and municipalities on the basis of taking into account the state of the labor market in certain regions of the country;
• the use of a rotational system for the formation of labor resources, the application shift method in regions with severe natural and climatic conditions;
• optimization of internal migration based on forecasts of the socio-economic development of the Russian Federation and General scheme resettlement on the territory of the Russian Federation;

in the field of creating conditions for the preservation and further formation of the population in the northern, eastern and border regions of the Russian Federation:

• restoration of economic activity of organizations located in the Far North, Siberia and the Far East, by attracting labor from other regions of the country;
• stimulation of migration of the population of the Russian Federation, as well as citizens of the member states of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Baltic States to the northern and eastern regions of the country and the regulation of immigration to the border regions of the Russian Federation;
• pursuing an active economic and urban planning policy in these regions, including the development and implementation of investment programs, the development of social, transport and market infrastructure.

As practice shows, these measures are declarative, practically nothing is being done to implement them.

There are other documents that demonstrate the concern of the authorities with the problems of internal migration. Thus, in the Concept of the demographic development of the city of Moscow, in particular, it is said: “Central Russia is emptying: the population of the federal district of the same name without Moscow and the Moscow region has decreased by 1.5 million people,<...>with such a direction of demographic trends, the growth of the population of the city of Moscow due to the migration component will contribute to a further decrease in the population of territories, including geopolitically important ones. Natural in these conditions is the desire, on the one hand, to “limit” migration to certain, most attractive regions of the country, and on the other hand, to redirect migration flows in the “necessary” directions.

The Constitution of the Russian Federation and the federal legislation of Russia do not provide for administrative restrictions for Russian citizens in choosing a place of stay and residence. For foreigners legally staying on the territory of Russia, it is not forbidden to change their place of residence. In accordance with current legislation However, the possibility of administrative measures to direct the flow of immigrants (foreign citizens) exists only until they acquire the status of permanent residents in Russia (residence permit) or citizenship of the Russian Federation.

In addition, the state is also limited in its measures of economic stimulation of migration in the “necessary” directions, especially since it is not clear where migration flows should be directed (and, most importantly, where to get them from) in the context of widespread population shortages.

Internal movements of the population should be carried out in those directions and on such a scale that correspond to socio-economic realities. The process of shaping the conditions that affect these processes is largely outside the scope of migration policy. The existing realities are such that both internal migrants and immigrants are striving for regions with a higher standard of living, with good opportunities for employment and self-realization. The most attractive for them are large and largest cities with well-formed labor niches. Paradoxical as it may seem, but the more immigrants come to large cities and occupy the traditional niches of migrant labor there, the less quickly Russian villages and small towns will empty. On a national scale, this will mean that the free resettlement of immigrants in the cities of European Russia will prevent the rapid outflow of the population from the regions of the eastern part of the country, this is also shown by the forecast calculations developed by the Central House of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Institute of Demography of the State University Higher School of Economics.

Impossible in modern Russia are measures of migration policy aimed at "reversing" the existing directions of migration, at a serious change in the system of settlement in the country. Sociological surveys convincingly show the unwillingness of the population of the western regions to go to the east. The settlement system is very stable and inertial, and attempts to break it will lead nowhere. It is also wrong to pursue a policy of artificially curbing migration from the countryside to cities, as well as a policy of artificially curbing the growth of cities.

The reversal of migration flows, the attempt to repopulate the eastern regions of the country is explained by the need to reduce the "demographic imbalance" with neighboring China. But even in the short term, by doubling the population there, we will reduce the demographic imbalance from 1:30 to 1:15. .

Formation of the population of the eastern regions of the country in the late XIX - early XX century. It was carried out in conditions of a completely different demographic situation (population growth of 2-3.5% per year), the problem of peasant land shortage and the associated excess population in a number of provinces of the European part of the country. At present, there is no surplus population anywhere in Russia, with the exception, perhaps, of a number of republics of the North Caucasus (and even these surpluses are the result of the region's constantly lagging economic development). In addition to the fact that the state does not have either administrative or economic opportunities to manage internal migration processes, there are no necessary human resources that could be controlled.

Since the mid 2000s. in a number of constituent entities of the Russian Federation, in macroregions (at the level federal districts) concepts and strategies for socio-economic development for the long term are being developed. Many of them aim to attract people from other regions of the country, as well as to curb the migration of “their” population, including young people. On the one hand, the regional authorities demonstrate their interest in the problems of preserving the population and labor resources, on the other hand, the documents being developed do not provide for any leverage for this.

Thus, the analysis of statistics and publications on the migration activity of the Russian population shows that the scale of mobility based on official statistics is small, but this does not take into account the various forms of temporary mobility that is not associated with a change of permanent residence in the Russian sense. All this greatly complicates (not to say, makes it impossible) the assessment of the scale of mobility in a cross-country context.

Ph.D., presenter Researcher Institute of Demography SU-HSE.
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There.
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A survey of 5,000 households representing the Russian Federation as a whole. The round was held in October-December 2005. The question in the survey was: Has any member of the household traveled to other localities to work during the last 12 months (business trips are not taken into account)”
It should be noted that the timing of household surveys (April-May for NOBUS and October-December for RLMS) could lead to an underestimation of seasonal labor migration and thus migration in general.
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Social mobility is a situation in which a person or group of people changes their social status. At the same time, a person can change his social layer or stay in the same layer and only the status will change.

Social status (or social position) is the position in society, in society, occupied by a person (individual) or a group of individuals.

Social stratum - the division of people into classes or groups. The process of dividing society into layers or strata (lat. stratum - layer, layer) is called social stratification.

Types of social mobility

Vertical and horizontal

With a vertical one, a person changes his social stratum. Vertical mobility is divided into:

• individual (the status changes in an individual);
• group (the status changes in a group of people);
• professional (a person changes his position at work - with an increase or decrease);
• economic (a person's level of well-being changes);
• political (when a person is promoted in the public service, that is, his level of power changes);
• ascending (raising the social level);
• descending (lowering the social level);
• immobility (social status and position remain unchanged);
• intergenerational (children have a different social status than their parents);
• intragenerational (affects one person, his status changes throughout his life).

With horizontal mobility, there is no change in the social stratum, a person changes only his own social group. An example would be a situation where a person changes their place of residence, i.e. moves to another district or city. Or when he changes jobs. Social status does not change. In this case, we are talking about geographic mobility.

If a person moves and, in addition, his social status changes, this situation is called geographic migration.

Elevators of social mobility

Russian and American sociologist and culturologist Pitirim Alexandrovich Sorokin spoke about "elevators", "ladders" or "paths" by which people move and change their social status and (or) social stratum. Sorokin identified 7 main such paths:

• army (especially in wartime, when a successful military operation can lift a person up the social ladder, and vice versa, a loss can cause a loss of a social position);
• the church (there are cases in history when a low-class person became the pope of the Roman Catholic Church);
• schools (in some countries, schools allowed promising children from poor families to reach great heights (for example, China), in others, people from the lower strata were not allowed to receive an education (for example, India, England));
• political organizations/parties/groups (movement within a political organization or between different organizations as an example career development and changes in social status);
• professional organizations/associations (for example, associations medical workers, literary organizations, associations of musicians, scientists, lawyers, etc. The media have a special influence, which can quickly advance a person or just as quickly harm his social status);
• organizations for the creation of wealth (in other words, groups of people who achieved success or moved up the social ladder due to the fact that they accumulated capital: gold, money and other valuables. Titles, titles, privileges were bought with this capital);
• family and marriage (for example, marriage to a person from a higher social stratum will open access to this stratum, from a lower one - it can lead to a loss of social status).

Social mobility and education

According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the social mobility of children depends on the education and profession of their parents. As a rule, if the family has a low level of education, then the child, most likely, will not receive higher education either.

If the parents are engaged in physical labor, then the likelihood that the child will take a managerial position is small.

What influences social mobility?

Among the factors that influence social mobility, i.e. the number of movements between social strata or the frequency of changes in social status, the following main ones can be distinguished:

• economic;
• historical;
• demographic;
• migratory;
• place of residence;
• nationality;
• the level of education;
• abilities and personal qualities of the individual (physical and mental).

Economic factor

The economic situation in the country directly affects the availability of jobs and professions in demand. If the economy requires, for example, highly qualified specialists, then this will lead to the fact that people will seek to take vacant positions. Social mobility will become more active.

historical factor

Historical events such as wars, revolutions have a direct impact on mobility. At such a time, some people quickly climbed the social ladder, receiving great power in their hands or great wealth. That is, there was political and economic mobility. Others have lost their status. The most well-born nobles were deprived of their savings and privileges.

Mobility also depends on the type of society historically present in a given country. There are three types of society: closed, open and intermediate.

In a closed society, as a rule, the status is assigned to a person at birth and its change is extremely difficult or impossible. In the open - people actively move between social strata and change their status throughout their lives.

An example of an intermediate type is the feudal society, in which transfers between classes or estates were not officially allowed, but they did occur.

Demographic factor

Population growth affects social mobility. If a country's population increases, then so does mobility. Because young people are more willing to change their social stratum or status.

Adults are more likely to be economically mobile. Having accumulated cash, they seek to change their living conditions for the better: move to a better area (geographical mobility) or take a high position (professional mobility).

It is a fact that the lower classes have higher birth rates. If there is a shortage of people in the upper strata, then their places are taken by people who have climbed the social ladder, and not born representatives of this class.

migratory

In countries with high rates of migration, as a rule, active social mobility. Migrants compete with local residents. Cheap labor creates an overabundance of workers, which forces locals to create competitive advantages and move up the social ladder.

Place of residence

Cities have more opportunities for advancement career ladder to change their financial situation. Young people tend to move to big cities in search of such opportunities. In this case, one can also speak of intergenerational mobility, when children achieve a higher status compared to the status of their parents.

Nationality

Even in a multinational state, preference is given to precisely that nation, the number of which prevails in this state. People of this nationality are more likely to occupy high positions and are promoted.

The level of education

The level of education may be competitive advantage regardless of the layer in which a person was born. People with higher levels of education are more likely to advance. At the same time, they can also create competition for people from the upper strata who have not paid due attention to their education, relying on their privileges or connections to get a job, position, title.